Pradeep and I have cooked for each other several times over the last few weeks. He lives in the neighbourhood. I have been over about three times now and I have each time been hugely impressed by his expertise as a self-taught gourmet chef. If you check out his blog, you’ll know why.

The part I find most interesting, however, is the conversation afterwards. On two occasions now, Indi also has been present, along with a few of the usual suspects. I generally tend to throw them an incomplete idea that I have been thinking about and let the pride tear at it, ripping it apart. There’s no snarling, although, at times, it does get passionate. It’s a great forum for debate, because Pradeep is an encylopedia – his arguments are meaty – and he tackles it with a razor-sharp mind and serves it lightly with humour. And the great thing about having Indi sparring alongside, is that when it comes to argument, Indi is a different animal. His views are principle-centred, he is irreverently hilarious in expressing them, and he will not let go until he is completely satiated.

There are some issues that I still have not worked out in my head. Not that it matters to anyone else – heck, I’ll never be able to run for public office with the things I have said on this blog – but I like to have a clear position on things. To work out issues, having other people from opposing points of view debate it in front of you is great. It’s even better when you can interject and steer.

Anyway, all this is a preamble. What I really want to share with you on this post is this article that Pradeep wrote in his defence a few months ago. I really liked it and I read it again today. I agree with its point of view on the international community, it is a point of view that I have found impossible to express as well as Pradeep has in this article, without sounding like a paranoid NGO-basher. God knows, I am not one of those, but I think our history being the way it is, we have every reason to be skeptical of too much international interference, and a general attitude of mild suspicion of foreign intervention will be to our long-term advantage. Remember the Kandyan Treaty of 1638? I can’t express myself as well as the article does, so, I might as well reproduce it.


ICES and ‘I’: the Struggle for a Critical Social Science

Dr. Pradeep Jeganathan,
Senior Research Fellow,
ICES, Colombo.

A mass protest against government attack on job security for young workers in France: ‘I then told him that I was, in turn, worried about the situation in France’.

The “I” in ICES:

September 2006 found me having dinner with a French Anthropologist, at the Delhi University international guest house. I had a month long visiting Fellowship in the famed Department of Sociology there, where I count many friends and colleagues, Jean Pierre was there for the launch of a co-edited volume on Bourdieu, the French Anthropologist who was deft enough to write a classic account of Algerian culture without mentioning violence once, while doing fieldwork in a time of revolt and revolution.

Jean Pierre (not his real name) told me he was very worried about Sri Lanka — the conflict, the violence, the Sinhalese and Tamils. I shared many of his concerns, and when I found his knowledge of Sri Lankan things was superficial, I tried to deepen his understanding, here and there. I then told him that I was, in turn, worried about the situation in France. He expressed surprise. When I said repression of youth protests, widespread racism directed against immigrants, when seen in the context of French intolerance of forms of female dress such as a headscarfs and veils, was very worrying to me, he stopped eating. “You worried!?” He said with amazement, pointing his fork at me. It obviously wasn’t a two-way street when it came to worry. He was worried about Sri Lanka, but was amazed when he heard I was worried about racism in France. When I went on to argue, that French racism was the basis of Franz Fanon’s celebrated analysis of the subject in Black Skin, White Mask — which I had used as the center piece of a global history class, when I was a professor in the US, he left the table, wandering off into the men’s room, not to return for some time. He didn’t even want to discuss it, well certainly not with me.

I first heard of Fanon, when I was an undergraduate intern at ICES. We didn’t really have a library in those days, but Regi Siriwardena had a copy and he lent it to me. It deepened my understanding of “whiteness” as well as “blackness.” Each time I asked my predominantly white, Lutheran students at the University of Minnesota to comment on his most famous line: “the Negro is not. Any more than the White Man,” I too read the line afresh, and understood a new, some thing about the world. When I joined ICES, the “I” in the International stood for that kind of vision. We were looking at the world, from its underbelly, from the point of view of those who had been colonized.

The “I” in ICG:

The I in ICG, the International Crisis Group, is not the I, in the ICES. It does not provide a located, anti-imperial view of the world, rather it provides us with a God’s eye view of “crisis;” not all over the world, but in carefully chosen trouble spots. If you scroll through the country selector on its website, you won’t even find India and China, or the United States or France mentioned; how these ‘crisis’ get selected, should be the subject of a research paper. In fact, North America doesn’t even appear as an area, and its European section doesn’t have regular reports on the Western part of the continent. It is a curious collection of small countries, that are positioned on a NATO or Western European centered political map, with ‘crisis’ that need what ICG calls ‘recommendations.’ North America is just a great blind spot that can never be commented on, but what’s most fascinating is the imputed audience for each set of recommendations. For example, a report on Thailand, has recommendations for the Thai government, a rare report on France, for which no country tab exists as pointed out above, has recommendations for the French government and activists, and a report on Sri Lanka, has three sets of recommendations, for the government. the LTTE and INGOs and foreign governments.

The ‘International Community’

The I in International Community, as used by the ICG, is quite the same as the I in ICG, and isn’t all that very far from the I in Imperial. This is in fact, the “I” that allowed my French colleague Jean Pierre to ‘worry’ over violence in Sri Lanka, but be amazed that I would worry over French racism and repression. When it comes to France, ICG has no recommendations for non—French institutions or organizations. Why, it is an internal matter, no doubt, none of any one else’s business! But when it comes to Sri Lanka, of course they have recommendations for the EU or INGOs.

The “I” in ICISS.

This is where the knowledge produced by ICG is crucial to what is now called, the “responsibility to protect” or R2P. It is in those crisis areas or trouble spots where, recommendations for outside actors and interests have been legitimized. And it is the need to underline this legitimacy, and foreclose criticism of it, that has made necessary, the labored, yet superficial claim that R2P, as a conceptual turn, is vastly innovative — and therefore a enormous advance towards global peace. This is just not true; and is based on a weak argument. The claim to a great advance, comes on several fronts — the first being that there is a rethinking and then a redefinition of State Sovereignty, in the conceptual casting of R2P. This supposedly, is all worked out in the Report of the International Commission on Intervention of State Sovereignty (ICISS). Note the I again! It isn’t really worked out there at all. As should be well known to serious political theorists, State Sovereignty, in pre-modern times was configured in two parts, and is embodied in the King and the King’s body, the subject people. Again, as is well known, the locus classicus of this argument is Kantorowicz’s account, and the literature that follows, whether it be Balibar or Lefort will tell you that in modern societies, it is the ‘people’ constituted as a community of equals, who represents themselves in a state which is an expression of their Sovereignty. The ICISS report does not address the basics of political theory, rather it asserts that if a state is unable or unwilling to protect its population, then its Sovereignty can be challenged to that extent. Well of course, that’s central to the charter of the United Nations, with the provision that a resolution of the Security Council or two thirds of the General Assembly meeting in Emergency Session supports this claim. And as such, intervention under UN authority is allowed under the charter. Does the ICISS claim to challenge this? Yes, most certainly! That’s the big innovation; according to the report, and this is tucked 57 pages in, a regional body (read NATO in Kosovo) or even another state, can intervene unilaterally in another, if it feels that there is a “responsibility to protect.”

So can we, at ICES, begin to study, with a view to intervening at once, racism in France or for that matter the US prison system, where inmates, who are a large proportion of the general population and belong to a minority group i.e., African-Americans, who are, as it is well known, subject to widespread and continuous rape and battery? No of course not, there is no “I”CG report on US prisons or the US for that matter. Sorry, you can’t feel responsible; the ICG doesn’t think it’s a crisis in the first place. The penny drops; this is why Gareth Evens has to be the head of ICG and the ICISS and now the new, Global Center for the Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P).

ICG decides for GCR2P what the cases are; and in those cases, a sub set of which are earmarked for third party ‘recommendations,’ it is asserted that state sovereignty has now been eroded. Sri Lanka is such a case, Burma is another. Thailand or India is not, because I very much suspect, that in those countries –one a long standing democracy, the other having struggled with this form of government for some time– such recommendations wouldn’t be tolerated by the state. Claims of Sovereignty and democracy are certainly not incompatible, it would seem.

And there is of course another criteria which comes in: when a country is ripe for third part recommendations to be made about it. Yes, you guessed it, it is also a failed or faling state, in the eyes of the International Community. That’s why it isn’t enough to address the state, or political groups within the country; oh no, they’ve failed, so we must look to the Internationals (that “I” again), who of course, never fail.

R2P & the UN

To counter mounting criticism in Sri Lanka over this idea of R2P, Rama Mani, in an interview, and Radhika Coomaraswamy in a widely publicized email letter claimed, the Sri Lanka state is a signatory to the 2005 World Summit declaration on R2P and thus, this concept has somehow been “bought” on our behalf, by the government. That’s just not true. The World Summit declaration, which has hundreds of paragraphs, mentions R2P in two, 138 and 139. But it only supports intervention under the charter of the UN — that is after Security Council resolutions and/or General Assembly sessions. Euro—American commentators, like Walter Hodge of the New York Times, have begun to refer to states having “buyers remorse” after signing on to R2P. Well that’s a misstatement, since they’ve never bought it in the first place; they couldn’t surely — a UN summit can not agree to overrule itself! GCR2P, an INGO, funded by multiple government sources and private sources, now established in a University in New York, is not, by any stretch of the imagination, an organ of the UN. But Coomaraswamy who serves on its advisory boards, acts like it is — telling us she is there on the express request of the Secretary General. Well, that’s nice, but it does not make it a UN body, does it? Rama Mani in an interview with Lakbima News makes a specious analogy with UN peace keeping forces in Haiti, which have a Sri Lankan contingent. Sri Lanka has participated in R2P operations, she cries out – so what’s wrong with it. That’s based on typically weak logic; UN peacekeepers, in Haiti or elsewhere, operate under the authority of the UN charter, under security council resolutions, not on a privately commissioned study, authorized by ICG and then regurgitated by the private GCR2P. The situations don’t compare, since what is at stake in the Sri Lankan debate right now, is the direct affiliation of ICES to GCR2P as an associated center.

This is not a matter of opposing the regime in power or not, as Paikiasothy Saravanamutthu and his colleagues have cast this. It’s a much larger issue; the decisions and directives of the GCR2P might well be violations of international law; catalyzing the movement of R2P from principle to practice may well be illegal. If the regime in power in Sri Lanka or elsewhere is committing atrocities against its population, the forum for expressing grave concern and demanding out side intervention, is the UN and its organs; to set up well funded and well heeled private organizations to be such fora might well be constituted as neo-imperial, giving the “I” in ICG, yet another meaning.

It is therefore really quite condescending for Romesh Thakur, to suddenly descend from on high and tell us, that questions of imperialism has long been settled, and in any event, is addressed in the ICISS report, of which he is a co—author. No, it is only an assertion, in this report — there is no argument as such, despite pages and pages of humming and hawing. In his recent opinion piece that was carried in the Hindu and also the Daily Mirror, Thakur cites straw men in an imagined Sri Lankan debate on the matter. He misses, perhaps through bad research or deliberate myopia, G.L Pieris’ reasoned arguments with Gareth Evens’ Tiruchelvam lecture, and again, his comments on Jayantha Dhanapala’s UNDP lecture, to which Tissa Jayathilaka replied. And I hope he will not miss this argument; if he, as an undoubted stand in-for my friend and colleague, Radhika Coomaraswamy, wants to continue with the debate.

While Thakur gets the contours of the Sri Lankan debate quite wrong, the real point is one that Evans labored over, as well. Neelan Thiruchelvam was a cosmopolitan, Evens said, and as such, would never have called R2P imperial. Cosmopolitans are those, in this argument, who’ve somehow got beyond imperialism, and are of course, comfortable with that wonderfully ill defined ‘international community’ of which of course the Canadian High Commissioner Angela Bogdan must be a member. By this argument neither G. L. Pieris nor Rajiva Wijesinha nor I am cosmopolitan; we are somehow parochial because we want to follow the logic of political theory (Pieris makes an important argument about the rule of states with recourse to social contract theory), or international law? Surely, this notion is extremely thin and not really worth further comment, except to note its function in the larger rubric. It is these cosmopolitans who liaise between the third party Internationals, the High level High Commissioners, and their friends, the parochial locals who aren’t really educated and refined — this is the thin upper crust in the society of any failed state, and it’s the kind of interlocutor Grath Evens likes.

Imperial or International?

The “I” matters after all. It matter who speaks and from what position. And it matters if the “I” stands for Imperial or International, and then in turn, what kind of International. ICC, would a good, final example. Once the Imperial Cricket Council, it then metamorphosed into the International Cricket Council, which is when Umpire Hair “called” Muralidharan in the famous Boxing Day test in Australia. The I in International was pretty close to Imperial, in 1995. It took a massive struggle over knowledge, who knows what and how, to establish that elbow flexing was pretty universal among bowlers. And then it took the leaking of an ICC report that Bret Lee flexes more that Murali to finally put the matter to rest. Alternative knowledge matters, and articulating it critically matters as much. That was central to the ICES I joined in 1987, as an undergraduate intern, and it was central to its projects for decades after. It gives me a sad, empty feeling to realize that arguments made on crucial matters by authoritative ICES voices, like those of Radhika Coomaraswamy and Rama Mani are based on bad fact and argument, and more, that we’ve lost the ability to think for ourselves.

Take for example, the simple fact that even though there has been widespread tub thumping about R2P, none of the associated books or journal articles are available in ICES, Colombo’s library — I had to find all the source materials used in this argument myself, an area of research which is far removed from my speciality. We’ve never had a serious in-house discussion of these issues based on a close reading of the documents, and there isn’t one serious article written by any one on the staff, that thinks through these issues. ICES is nowhere where it used to be.

In the old days, when the I in ICES, actually stood for some thing, the ICES, I joined, believed in, and returned from a coveted job in the US to work for, would have been at the forefront of whatever debate that we chose to enter, not from up high, as Internationals who are better than locals, but as internationals who are also local, located, recovering from colonialism and the ongoing brutalities of violence, to contribute, despite and through that experience, not only to the tradition of critical social science in this country, or the region, but beyond, in the world at large.


15 thoughts on “Digestif

  1. That article is a great principled rallying call for a non interventionist future, but a very lousy defense of some sordid politicking at ICES, GoSL assisted of course, that preceded the Mani departure. Kudos to the new look non interventionist ICES, the Government of Sri Lanka is very proud of your patriotic efforts.

  2. aadhavan —
    with the greatest respect; your comment above doesn’t really seem to address the “ICES and I” piece, or Jehan’s post. Its not really a defence or attack (for that matter) on the politics institutional management. Is it? Or really about ‘intervention’ and ‘non-intervention,’ is it? Or supporting the GoSL?
    That not the framing of the issues, in fact those points have been addressed and set aside in the essay — and it would only be proper to address the frame, and then move to dismantle it, I think. That would further an intellectual exchange.

  3. We are debating on issues which have an indirect bearing on the need of the day – Peace and Serenity.

    Let us debate on issues which have a direct bearing on the need of the day – Peace and Serenity.

    Let us move to a better debate. Let a solution be put forward to end the turmoil in the country and let us debate on the pros and cons of that solution.

    I have a solution. We can debate on it and if you so desire it can be published for your use.

  4. My fear with an emphasis on ‘local culture’ as something pristine is that you get ‘local’ tyrants like Mugabe or, to a far lesser extent, the Rajapakse family. There is this idea that being oppressed by a local elite is better than by a foreign one and distrust of that ‘other’ leads to a nasty 1984 kinda situ.

    I’ve actually been surprised with how ‘pragmatic’ both Jehan and Pradeep on issues of the war and the current government, but I do think understanding the ‘local’ position is important. I just don’t think it’s right.

    We are in the waning days of the nation state and as a country with over 1 million citizens abroad, we have an obligation to think on an international level. If only because our people simply are international, including the leadership of every recent government.

    More to the point, I do believe that there is a higher morality and ethics that is above the nation state and is international, nay, universal in nature. That is, that certain rights and all are self-evident. I don’t think that the values of compassion, non-violence, and transparency are dependent on ‘local culture’, though I do think they are dependent on local ruling elites.

    I do believe that there are universal principles above national sovereignty and, while international institutions aren’t the best representatives, they are right on the basic things. Torture, war, detention without trial. Unfortunately even the US has descended into these, but they have the institutional vitality to emerge from them. We kinda don’t, and I think we can use a nudge from the ‘international community’, as it were.

  5. Pradeep, I appreciate the fact that you would rather a discussion on some abstract question of international law, quite detached from the circumstances and context within which those questions arose. I myself quite like a good academic discussion from time to time within the strict confines of the issues framed in the text, but find it difficult to divorce academic questions of law and policy from the reality in response to which those questions arise. This is why, in my view, the quite ugly, oppressive tactics empoyed in collusion with the government that saw the quelling of ‘unpatriotic activities’ through the use of visa denial becomes relevant. (The banishing of Mani not being an isolated case of the said tactic being used of course)

    On the purely substantive questions raised though, I find the piece(the one on ICES) wanting in its appreciation of both the nature of international law and its origins and some of its modern develoments specially in relation to state sovereignty.

    Firstly, it seems as though you’ve inherited this idea of traditional international law being some kind of bulwark of protection for peoples of the global south. You may well deny this, but your repeated suggestion that any intervention without the Artilce VII scheme would be wrong evidences this observation. To me, the Charter divides power unequally, with the Security Council being the best proof that the Charter protected the power of the global north.

    Secondly, it may just help to be aware of the radical rethinking of state sovereignty that took place ever since the protection of individual rights was included within the scope of international law. Ever since the UDHR, the immunity of the state from intervention on account of human rights abuses domesticaly has been gradually eroded. The Charter was one such movement, but the use of international tribunals to try war crimes, the setting up of institutional mechanisms within the UN to deal with HR issues, the Genocide Convention etc have all represented at various times a shift away from the unquestioning acceptance of a state’s right to non intervention even in the face of varying degrees of human rights abuses. What is clear is that the emergence of the R2P doctrine is consistent with that trend. Whether the doctrine in itself is a mere restatement of prevailing customary international law, or an additional step in the direction international law has been moving in over the last 50 years is a debatable point. But to suggest that any extra Charter intervention would for the reason of being extra Charter alone, be ex facie illegal is a preposterous proposition. Again it seems that you’re positing just that. May it also be pointed out that sovereignty as you currently pointed out being understood as a right of the people (or peoples), may even require external intervention where internal forces deny the recipients of their right to sovereignty. Thus where human rights including the right to self determination of peoples are denied and could never be vindicated within a domestic system, it is hard to see how any political theory could seek to use a ‘sovereignty’ based argument to reject an intervention seeking to portect the sovereign rights of marginalised people/peoples.

    I myself am troubled by the Anglo/Euro centrism and even perhaps latent racism of INGO’s and their ilk. The fact that France does not pop up on the home page of the ICG is sad, yet to suggest some equivalence in the level of rights abuses occurring in the West and countries like ours is facetious and laughable. To even attempt to make comparisons is not only silly, it is also to be indifferent to the sheer magnitude of the suffering of oppressed people in Sri Lanka or Burma or Pakistan.

    In conclusion I’d like to suggest that vexed question of intervention in international law be deal with in a slightly more nuanced manner than to react violently at the suggestion of a furhter erosion of traditional state sovereignty. From the perspective of the peoples of the global south, whose perspective I gather you want ICES to represent, R2P can be a powerful tool in the fight against oppression while also posing the danger of being used to further the neo colonial project. I think most concepts in international law are similar in that they could be used to protect as well as undermine the rights of oppressed peoples. The discussion must be framed in a way to allow the global South to fashion the doctrine in a way that enhances its potential to protect and diminishes its propensity to oppress. Clinging to a close to absolutist conception of state sovereignty just does not help, and only serves to function as a shield to protect oppressive governments from not allowing the exercise of the sovereign rights of its subjects. The absolutist state sovreignty counterpoint to R2P, citing the fear of imperialism only helps to create an imperialism within the state in place of one without. If the “I” in ICES refers to local imperialism in place of international imperialism, then we may expect to see more of the pathetic politicking that caused the effective deportation of Mani in the near future.

  6. Pradeep, your article bears an uncanny resemblance to the arguments oft repeated by our esteemed Government Delegation at international fora. To be more precise, I might recall one particularly vociferous speech made by the Ambassador in Geneva citing the Bloody Sunday massacre as a valid reason to refrain from criticizing Sri Lanka’s “relatively good human rights record”. Your anxiety over France’s obviously escalating problem with racism is strangely reminiscent of Dr. Jayathilake’s anxiety over Britain’s horrendous human rights record in the recent past. Perhaps the source of anxiety is one and the same. But who am I to speculate.

    But here are some sexy catchphrases that have been passed around by the anxious members of the “South”. Objectivity!! Non-Selectivity!! Ring any bells? Well, I myself enjoy a good academic debate now and then, but the prerequisite for such a debate is that the content needs to be of a academic rather than political nature. The option of intervention on humanitarian grounds juxtaposed against the principle of national sovereignty is a question of fact and law rather than political give and take. Whether our accusations are sourced from countries with perfect human rights records or not, is at the end of the day irrelevant, if the FACTS justify intervention and the LAW both in terms of treaties (including the Charter) and customary international law (has someone forgotten about this?) dictates that intervention must take place. So let’s keep our anxiety local and our solutions international. That should make for the ideal “I” in ICES.

    After all, let us not play the biblical game of preventing others from casting stones at us merely because they are not without sin. The focus should be on fact and law. And I’m afraid both these crucial elements support a stricter approach taken against Sri Lanka.

    As for the ICES debacle, it seems rather curious that an esteemed academic such as yourself would align himself to this neo-imperialist conspiracy theory quite similar to mouthpieces of other esteemed governments such as Zimbabwe. (have a read of their official statements at the HRC…it is truly a magnificent treat). Here’s my theory, R2P was a pet subject of Dr. Mani. Dr. Mani was vanquished for a variety of unsubstantiated reasons including sleeping with the enemy. Dr. Mani was the ICES ED. With a little government support from eloquent personalities and a wee bit of CID tinkering…presto! I’m speculating here.

  7. indi and aadhavan — i’m writing this in an airport lounge, waiting for a delayed flight. hence, i can’t be too coherent. :). But I appreciate both your response, so i’ll try a semblance of an reply.

    indi: i’m not being ‘pragmatic,’ in that piece, i don’t think. what i do think, is posing the issue as ‘international’ vs. ‘local’ misses the three inflections of “I” that i sketch out in the piece. International, to be very schematic, can be top down or bottom up.

    Aadhavan also misses this, even though he does mark an opposition in what he calls euro centrism vs. global south (ism). that’s a well worn opposition, but that not Fanon, which is my starting point. Fanon produces a Lacanian reading of ‘race’ to take a apart a particular idea of the international.

    Also, no where in my essay have I opposed ‘internationalism’ — or ‘interventions’ My point is that ‘internationalism’ has to be re-thought and re worked, from post colonial location, given the demise of socialism. Please do recall that the anthem of global socialist movement, was the ‘international’ sung in many languages, including French.

    The argument of the essay, is a located one, in many senses. It has little to do with Rama Mani, even though I address an interview she once gave. its primarily an argument with ICISS document, and its extension through ICG. These documents and institutions were crucial to the way, Gareth Evens made the case for intervention at the Thiruchelvam lecture, long before, any visas had been canceled. A livily public debete on his remarks then ensured. Still no visa’s had been cancelled. G.L. Pieris and Rajiva Wijesingha wrote extensivly on the matter as did Tissa Jayatilaka and Jayantha Dhanapala. This is the debate that I entered, because Radhika Cooomaraswamy in the email to me, copied to many others, asked me defend R2P, when I was acting ED of ICES. I then began a study of the matter, and wrote this essay. My arguments about sovereignty should be seen in this context. But in brief, if ‘international intervention’ is to be a check on ‘sovereignty’ then the international has to be re-constituted. Aadhvan has recourse to notions of the ‘international’ (law) that are not re thought or re worked. He simply assumes it.

    The composition of the security council needs to be reformed, but not by a commission founded and funded, by a self selected group, that does not wish to be accountable to any other than those it funds.
    International law does need reform, but the same token should apply. The very idea of the ‘International Community’ that’s so concerned with elections in Zimbabwe, but little concerned with land reform there, again begs the questions, whose ‘international’?

    Nor do I agree, or laugh, when I think of racist oppression in the US or France. Perhaps, you should read an amnesty international report on prisons in the US. Racism has always been endemic in Europe, the home of anti-semitism, which led, as Agamben has pointed out, to the invention of the concentration camp. Anti Islamic thought is taking Europe in that direction again. But if you really feel that Euro-America is free, and you’d like to move on, why not struggle for some international intervention in Nagar Land, Manipur ( through out the Indian Northeast) or the Kashmir. The ‘Human Rights’ situation is very bad in those parts. Its seems much worse than in Tibet. It is perhaps even worse than in Burma. But the GCR2P is not concerned. ICISS was not concerned. Why?

    It is worth nothing, I think, that upon reading my piece in the island, which was also published in several other places, Radhika Coomaraswamy wrote to me, in appreciation, noting that she taken several of my points, and will be using my arguments to intervene in a UN forums. The GCR2P and Mr. Evens, have also, in public statements, changed their tune, dramatically. I take heart, that I was able to make a point to the world, from deep within a location.
    That, for me, is what it means to both international and cosmopolitan.

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